A consideration of challenges to psychological assessment instruments used in forensic settings: Rorschach as exemplar. Journal of Personality Assessment, 83 , — Kleinmuntz, B. Personality and psychological assessment. New York,NY:St. Klonsky, E.
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Performance of Personality Assessment Inventory and Rorschach indices of schizophrenia in a public psychiatric hospital. Psychological Services 1, Klopfer, B. Kucharski, L. Detection of malingering of psychiatric disorder with the Personality Assessment Inventory: An investigation of criminal defendants Journal of Personality Assessment 88 , La Barbera J. Journal of Personality Assessment, 49, Lerner, P. Psychoanalytic theory and the Rorschach.
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Lilienfeld, S. The scientific status of projective techniques. Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 1, 27— Lipgar, R. Journal of Personality Assessment , 58, McGrath, R. The Rorschach in the context of performance-based personality assessment. Journal of Personality Assessment, 90 , — Meyer, G.
Assessing reliability: Critical corrections for a critical examination of the Rorschach Comprehensive System. Psychological Assessment, 9 , — Journal of Personality Assessment, 68, The reliability and validity of the Rorschach and TAT compared to other psychological and medical procedures: An analysis of systematically gathered evidence. Segal Eds , Personality assessment: vol. Comprehensive Handbook of Psychological Assessment pp.
The hard science of Rorschach research: What do we know and where do we go? Psychological Assessment , 13, The interclinician reliability of Rorschach interpretation in four data sets. Journal of Personality Assessment, 84 , — Journal of Personality Assessment, 76, Morey, L. Personality Assessment Inventory: Professional Manual. Personality Assessment Inventory professional manual 2 nd ed. Mullen, K. A case law survey of the personality assessment inventory: Examining its role in civil and criminal trials.
Journal of Personality Assessment 90 , Netter, B. An empirical study of malingering schizophrenia on the Rorschach. Journal of Personality Assessment, 62, Parker, K. A meta-analysis of the reliability and validity of the Rorschach. Journal of Personality Assessment , 47, Psychological Bulletin, , Perry, G. Susceptibility of the Rorschach to malingering: a schizophrenia analogue. Spielberger, J.
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Clinical assessment of malingering and deception , 2 nd ed. Sultan, S. Viglione, D. A review of recent research addressing the utility of the Rorschach, Psychological Assessment , 11, Weiner, I. Journal of Personality Assessment , 60, Wood, J. Nezworski, M. What's wrong with the Rorschach? Zennaro, A. Florence: Hogrefe. Journal Help.
User Username Password Remember me. A high frequency of responses coded Dd indicate some maladjustment within the individual. Responses coded S indicate an oppositional or uncooperative test subject. Systems for Rorschach scoring generally include a concept of "determinants": These are the factors that contribute to establishing the similarity between the inkblot and the subject's content response about it.
They can also represent certain basic experiential-perceptual attitudes, showing aspects of the way a subject perceives the world. Rorschach's original work used only form, color and movement as determinants. However currently, another major determinant considered is shading, which was inadvertently introduced by poor printing quality of the inkblots. Rorschach initially disregarded shading, since the inkblots originally featured uniform saturation, but later recognized it as a significant factor. Form is the most common determinant, and is related to intellectual processes. Color responses often provide direct insight into one's emotional life.
Movement and shading have been considered more ambiguously, both in definition and interpretation. Rorschach considered movement only as the experiencing of actual motion, while others have widened the scope of this determinant, taking it to mean that the subject sees something "going on". More than one determinant can contribute to the formation of the subject's perception.
Fusion of two determinants is taken into account, while also assessing which of the two constituted the primary contributor. For example, "form-color" implies a more refined control of impulse than "color-form". It is, indeed, from the relation and balance among determinants that personality can be most readily inferred. A striking characteristic of the Rorschach inkblots is their symmetry. Many unquestionably accept this aspect of the nature of the images but Rorschach, as well as other researchers, certainly did not.
Rorschach experimented with both asymmetric and symmetric images before finally opting for the latter. Asymmetric figures are rejected by many subjects; symmetry supplied part of the necessary artistic composition. It has a disadvantage in that it tends to make answers somewhat stereotyped. On the other hand, symmetry makes conditions the same for right and left handed subjects; furthermore, it facilitates interpretation for certain blocked subjects.
Finally, symmetry makes possible the interpretation of whole scenes. The impact of symmetry in the Rorschach inkblot's has also been investigated further by other researchers. It was developed in the s by Dr. John E. Exner, as a more rigorous system of analysis. It has been extensively validated and shows high inter-rater reliability. He later published a study in multiple volumes called The Rorschach: A Comprehensive system, the most accepted full description of his system. Creation of the new system was prompted by the realization that at least five related, but ultimately different methods were in common use at the time, with a sizeable minority of examiners not employing any recognized method at all, basing instead their judgment on subjective assessment, or arbitrarily mixing characteristics of the various standardized systems.
The key components of the Exner system are the clusterization of Rorschach variables and a sequential search strategy to determine the order in which to analyze them, framed in the context of standardized administration, objective, reliable coding and a representative normative database. In the system, responses are scored with reference to their level of vagueness or synthesis of multiple images in the blot, the location of the response, which of a variety of determinants is used to produce the response i.
It has been reported that popular responses on the first card include bat, badge and coat of arms. Using the scores for these categories, the examiner then performs a series of calculations producing a structural summary of the test data. The results of the structural summary are interpreted using existing research data on personality characteristics that have been demonstrated to be associated with different kinds of responses.
With the Rorschach plates the ten inkblots , the area of each blot which is distinguished by the client is noted and coded—typically as "commonly selected" or "uncommonly selected". There were many different methods for coding the areas of the blots. Exner settled upon the area coding system promoted by S. Beck and This system was in turn based upon Klopfer's work. As pertains to response form, a concept of "form quality" was present from the earliest of Rorschach's works, as a subjective judgment of how well the form of the subject's response matched the inkblots Rorschach would give a higher form score to more "original" yet good form responses , and this concept was followed by other methods, especially in Europe; in contrast, the Exner system solely defines "good form" as a matter of word occurrence frequency, reducing it to a measure of the subject's distance to the population average.
They believed that the Exner scoring system was in need of an update, but after Exner's death, the Exner family forbade any changes to be made to the Comprehensive System. It is an attempt at creating a current, empirically based, and internationally focused scoring system that is easier to use than Exner's Comprehensive System.
The manual consists of two chapters that are basics of scoring and interpretation, aimed for use for novice Rorschach users, followed by numerous chapters containing more detailed and technical information. In terms of updated scoring, the authors only selected variables that have been empirically supported in the literature. To note, the authors did not create new variables or indices to be coded, but systematically reviewed variables that had been used in past systems.
Scoring of the indices has been updated e. In addition to providing coding guidelines to score examinee responses, the R-PAS provides a system to code an examinee's behavior during Rorschach administration. These behavioral codes are included as it is believed that the behaviors exhibited during testing are a reflection of someone's task performance and supplements the actual responses given. This allows generalizations to be made between someone's responses to the cards and their actual behavior. Comparing North American Exner normative data with data from European and South American subjects showed marked differences in some features, some of which impact important variables, while others such as the average number of responses coincide.
The differences in form quality are attributable to purely cultural aspects: different cultures will exhibit different "common" objects French subjects often identify a chameleon in card VIII, which is normally classed as an "unusual" response, as opposed to other animals like cats and dogs; in Scandinavia, "Christmas elves" nisser is a popular response for card II, and "musical instrument" on card VI is popular for Japanese people , and different languages will exhibit semantic differences in naming the same object the figure of card IV is often called a troll by Scandinavians and an ogre by French people.
Form quality, popular content responses and locations are the only coded variables in the Exner systems that are based on frequency of occurrence, and thus immediately subject to cultural influences; therefore, cultural-dependent interpretation of test data may not necessarily need to extend beyond these components. The cited language differences mean that it's imperative for the test to be administered in the subject's native language or a very well mastered second language, and, conversely, the examiner should master the language used in the test.
Test responses should also not be translated into another language prior to analysis except possibly by a clinician mastering both languages. For example, a bow tie is a frequent response for the center detail of card III, but since the equivalent term in French translates to "butterfly tie", an examiner not appreciating this language nuance may code the response differently from what is expected. Below are the ten inkblots of the Rorschach test printed in Rorschach's Rorschach Test — Psychodiagnostic Plates, together with the most frequent responses for either the whole image or the most prominent details according to various authors.
The Rorschach test is used almost exclusively by psychologists. Douglas Kelley and psychologist Gustave Gilbert administered the Rorschach test to the 22 defendants in the Nazi leadership group prior to the first Nuremberg trials. Many psychologists in the United Kingdom do not trust its efficacy and it is rarely used. Shortly after publication of Rorschach's book, a copy found its way to Japan where it was discovered by one of the country's leading psychiatrists in a second-hand book store. He was so impressed that he started a craze for the test that has never diminished.
Some skeptics consider the Rorschach inkblot test pseudoscience, as several studies suggested that conclusions reached by test administrators since the s were akin to cold reading.
There is nothing in the literature to encourage reliance on Rorschach interpretations. McCall writes p. A report by Wood and colleagues had more mixed views: "More than 50 years of research have confirmed Lee J. Cronbach's final verdict: that some Rorschach scores, though falling woefully short of the claims made by proponents, nevertheless possess 'validity greater than chance' p. It is also used regularly in research on dependency, and, less often, in studies on hostility and anxiety.
Furthermore, substantial evidence justifies the use of the Rorschach as a clinical measure of intelligence and thought disorder. The basic premise of the test is that objective meaning can be extracted from responses to blots of ink which are supposedly meaningless. Supporters of the Rorschach inkblot test believe that the subject's response to an ambiguous and meaningless stimulus can provide insight into their thought processes, but it is not clear how this occurs.
Also, recent research shows that the blots are not entirely meaningless, and that a patient typically responds to meaningful as well as ambiguous aspects of the blots. An intense dialogue about the wallpaper or the rug would do as well provided that both parties believe. In the s, research by psychologists Loren and Jean Chapman showed that at least some of the apparent validity of the Rorschach was due to an illusion.
At this time homosexuality was regarded as a psychopathology, and the Rorschach was the most popular projective test. The Chapmans investigated the source of the testers' false confidence. In one experiment, students read through a stack of cards, each with a Rorschach blot, a sign and a pair of "conditions" which might include homosexuality. The information on the cards was fictional, although subjects were told it came from case studies of real patients. The students still reported seeing a strong positive correlation. The Chapmans called this phenomenon "illusory correlation" and it has since been demonstrated in many other contexts.
A related phenomenon called "invisible correlation" applies when people fail to see a strong association between two events because it does not match their expectations. Homosexual men are more likely to see a monster on Card IV or a part-animal, part-human figure in Card V. The subjects missed these perfect associations and instead reported that invalid signs, such as buttocks or feminine clothing, were better indicators. In , the psychologist Stuart Sutherland argued that these artificial experiments are easier than the real-world use of the Rorschach, and hence they probably underestimated the errors that testers were susceptible to.
Rorschach Inkblot Test
He described the continuing popularity of the Rorschach after the Chapmans' research as a "glaring example of irrationality among psychologists". Some critics argue that the testing psychologist must also project onto the patterns. A possible example sometimes attributed to the psychologist's subjective judgement is that responses are coded among many other things , for "Form Quality": in essence, whether the subject's response fits with how the blot actually looks.
Superficially this might be considered a subjective judgment, depending on how the examiner has internalized the categories involved. But with the Exner system of scoring, much of the subjectivity is eliminated or reduced by use of frequency tables that indicate how often a particular response is given by the population in general. Third parties could be used to avoid this problem, but the Rorschach's inter-rater reliability has been questioned.
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That is, in some studies the scores obtained by two independent scorers do not match with great consistency. When interpreted as a projective test, results are poorly verifiable. The Exner system of scoring also known as the "Comprehensive System" is meant to address this, and has all but displaced many earlier and less consistent scoring systems.
It makes heavy use of what factor shading, color, outline, etc. Disagreements about test validity remain: while the Exner proposed a rigorous scoring system, latitude remained in the actual interpretation, and the clinician's write-up of the test record is still partly subjective.